October
2006
Scoring the Economy1
Two articles in the paper with opposing viewpoints. One by George Will (original here) and one by David Broder (original here), both from the Washington Post. They’re taking a view on whether the economy is doing well, or poorly.
The titles in our newspapers were “Economy is better than ever” and “Economy failing some tests”
From my perspective:
- Dow Jones is in record territory, but the DJIA is not the stock market. Take a look at the 5000 leading companies, or the mid-cap stocks, or perhaps the performance of NASDAQ since 2001. A different story.
- Lots of people are going into personal bankruptcy getting tricked by ARMs. After spending all this money on their house, they might lose it.
- Health Care costs are going up. I’ve had to spend time telling people why the average salary increase this year is 2% (because rising health care cost ate up half our budget increase). Our 2% average is less than the rate of inflation, meaning, in effect, everybody is getting a pay cut.
- I just don’t feel like buying big ticket items.
So is the economy doing great. Have to changed your spending habits because of the “amazing” tax cut we received a few years ago. Still, guess it could be worse.
George Will
Prosperity Amid the Gloom
By George F. Will
Thursday, October 19, 2006; Page A29Recently Bill Clinton, at the British Labor Party’s annual conference, delivered what the Times of London described as a “relaxed, almost rambling” and “easy anecdotal” speech to an enthralled audience of leftists eager for evidence of American disappointments. Never a connoisseur of understatement, Clinton said America is “now outsourcing college-education jobs to India.”
But Clinton-as-Cassandra should not persuade college students to abandon their quest for diplomas: The unemployment rate among college graduates is 2 percent .
Clinton is always a leading indicator of “progressive” fashions in rhetoric. And every election year — meaning every other year — brings an epidemic of dubious economic analysis, as members of the party out of power discern lead linings on silver clouds.
“Worst economy since Herbert Hoover,” John Kerry said in 2004, while that year’s growth (3.9 percent) was adding to America’s gross domestic product the equivalent of the GDP of Taiwan (the 19th-largest economy). Nancy Pelosi vows that if Democrats capture Congress they will “jump-start our economy.” A “jump-start ” is administered to a stalled vehicle. But since the Bush tax cuts went into effect in 2003, the economy’s growth rate (3.5 percent) has been better than the average for the 1980s (3.1) and 1990s (3.3). Today’s unemployment rate (4.6 percent) is lower than the average for the 1990s (5.8) — lower, in fact, than the average for the past 40 years (6.0). Some stall.
Economic hypochondria, a derangement associated with affluence, is a byproduct of the welfare state: An entitlement mentality gives Americans a low pain threshold — witness their recurring hysteria about nominal rather than real gasoline prices — and a sense of being entitled to economic dynamism without the frictions and “creative destruction” that must accompany dynamism. Economic hypochondria is also bred by news media that consider the phrase “good news” an oxymoron, even as the U.S. economy, which has performed better than any other major industrial economy since 2001, drives the Dow to record highs.
The Jack No. 2 well, in deep water 170 miles southwest of New Orleans, recently discovered a field with perhaps 15 billion barrels of oil — a 50 percent increase in proven U.S. reserves. This news triggered a gusher of journalistic gloom: More oil means more woe — a reprieve for that enemy of humanity, the internal combustion engine, and more global warming, more air pollution, more highway fatalities, more suburban sprawl.
The recent 20 percent decline of the cost of a barrel of oil, from a nominal record of $78.40 (which, adjusting for inflation, was well below the 1980 peak of $92 in 2006 dollars), has produced an 81-cent decline in the average cost of a gallon of regular gasoline in 70 days. For consumers, that is akin to a tax cut of more than $81 billion.
President Bush’s tax cuts were supposed to cause a cataract of red ink. In fiscal 2006, however, federal revenue as a share of GDP was 18.4 percent, slightly above the post-1962 average of 18.2. And the federal budget deficit was $247.7 billion, just 1.9 percent of the $13.1 trillion GDP. That is below the average for the 1970s (2.1), 1980s (3.0) and 1990s (2.2).
It is said that employee compensation has been stagnant. But to tickle that bad news from the statistics you must treat “compensation” as a synonym for wages and then ignore the effect of taxation on individuals’ well-being.
Kevin Hassett and Aparna Mathur of the American Enterprise Institute, writing in National Review, say annual wage growth since 2000 has been 0.6 percent, but the annual increase in real hourly compensation, including benefits — and if you do not include them, why are they called benefits ? — has been 1.3 percent. And taxes — particularly those paid by middle-class families with children — have declined substantially.
Furthermore, as Hassett and Mathur write, consumers, by modifying their behavior, protect or enhance their well-being in ways not captured in economic statistics. For example, an American who, prompted by higher energy prices, traded in a Hummer for a Prius has served his or her standard of living. “If I ate 80 apples last year, and the price of apples increased this year to a million dollars, my welfare would not go way down; I would just switch to oranges,” the authors write.
Finally, today’s widening income disparities will be partly self-correcting. Granted, income statistics show the increasing disadvantages of persons with education deficits. But that is the market saying — shouting, really — “Stay in school!” Over time the voice of the market is rational, credible and therefore a potent instrument for changing behavior.
David Broder
Congress’s Dismal Grades
By David S. Broder
Thursday, October 19, 2006; Page A29The editors of National Journal, a respected and independent Washington publication, had the smart idea of inviting 11 distinguished economists to fill out a score card on the economic performance of the Republican Congress. The grades are published in the latest issue of the weekly magazine.
The economists were asked to score Congress in seven categories, using letter grades. The composite score of four categories was a C, meaning average by historical standards. Two got a B-minus and one a D. Not exactly a huge vote of confidence.
Who were these 11 judges? National Journal describes them as “prominent ‘nonaligned’ economists — people who, by virtue of their work and long careers outside of politics, have earned reputations for delivering unvarnished analysis of economic policy.”
Their individual credentials are impressive. “Ethan Harris, Maury Harris, Allen Sinai, and David Wyss are well known on Wall Street,” the editors write. “Nariman Behravesh of Global Insight is one of the most respected economic forecasters. Lyle Gramley is a former governor on the Federal Reserve Board, and Michael Mussa is former research director at the International Monetary Fund. Edward Leamer is director of the Business Forecast Project at UCLA’s Anderson School of Management, and James F. Smith is a professor at the Kenan-Flagler Business School at the University of North Carolina. David Lereah is a longtime chief economist at the National Association of Realtors. Victor Zarnowitz has long worked at the Conference Board, the business group that issues closely watched numbers on consumer confidence and leading economic indicators, and he serves on the committee of economists that decides when recessions begin and end.”
Short-term fiscal policy grades averaged out at B-minus. Gramley and Sinai gave it an A and A-minus, largely because the tax cuts had stimulated investment and productivity. Five others put it down around C, because so little revenue growth was channeled into reducing budget deficits.
The only other category that rated an overall B-minus was government regulation. The range of grades was small, with only one D and seven at or near B. The reason: The economists applaud restraint. As Lereah said, “Less regulation is usually better than more.”
That’s about all the good news. In long-term growth and competitiveness, the grade was C. No one gave it more than a B-minus, largely because the tax cuts were passed without reforms and because congressional efforts to improve education and training of the workforce seemed feeble.
International economic policy also was graded C. In the face of rising balance-of-payments deficits — a key measure of economic activity between countries — major trade initiatives have stalled. Although radical protectionist measures have been rejected, Congress has balked at bigger steps to open international markets, the economists said.
Congress was given a C for its economic leadership, and the same grade for its overall economic performance. Aside from cutting taxes, the lawmakers did little to help or harm the economy. They balked at tax reform and Social Security reform but made some improvements in pension reliability. Overall, this Congress was no better or worse than most of its predecessors, the graders said.
But there was one area where they said Congress failed and failed badly. That was long-term fiscal policy. There were five F’s, three D’s and no grade higher than a B-minus, for a composite grade of D. Speaking of the long-term liabilities of Medicare and Social Security, Gramley told National Journal, “Congress and the administration are not facing” reality. Behravesh called the response to those long-term deficits “quite irresponsible.”
Does all this add up to a case for or against the Republican Congress? The economists were not asked that question, but most of their comments convey support for the Bush tax cuts and opposition to the trade restrictions favored by many Democrats.
Still, a chart that is part of the National Journal story gives pause. It compares the economic performance of the first 5 1/2 years of this Bush administration with identical periods under Presidents Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton. Personal income after inflation and taxes rose 22.7 percent under Reagan, 20.4 percent under Clinton and only 14.1 percent under Bush.
That’s certainly not a C, and it may not even be a passing grade.